Andrew McCall (2019). "Resident Assistance, Police Chief Learning, and the Persistence of Aggressive Policing Tactics in Black Neighborhoods. Journal of Politics, 81(3 ), 1133-1142.
Laura Stoker and Andrew McCall (2017). ``The Quest for Representative Survey Samples" in The Routledge Handbook of Elections, Voting Behavior and Public Opinion, Justin Fisher, Edward Fieldhouse, Mark N. Franklin, Rachel Gibson, Marta Cantijoch, and Christopher Wlezien (eds.), Routledge.
Police Department Design, Political Pressure, and Racial Inequality in Arrests
This paper theorizes a source of bias in discretionary arrests: strategic limits on police officer learning. Within policing organizations led by chiefs with special expertise in crime control, the chief’s assignments are a source of information about the most effective practices. However, if street-level officers are uncertain whether their chief is independent of political pressures, the chief’s assignments will be less persuasive when they align with what political advocates want. In general, this mechanism represents a constraint on the effectiveness of professional police departments, where chiefs have
limited means to force officer compliance with directives. In the post-civil rights era, this institutional inefficiency would have constrained the set of circumstances in which police officers could learn that they should reduce the intensity of arrests on Black residents.
Professional Standards are Political Strategy: A Theory of Local Bureaucratic Professionalization
Professional associations of bureaucrats coordinate members that control agencies across many state and local governments, but political scientists have not studied them as an independent political force. Using historical sources I show police professional associations crafted model policies and a collective public image in order to win greater collective independence from local governments. I then analyze a game theoretic model of how an association defines professional standards for local bureaucracies, showing the effect of association preferences on policy depends on the disagreement between local governments. When local governments agree a national association can choose the direction of policy in all jurisdictions, but when local governments polarize an association’s commitment to broad membership constraints their choices to the political middle-ground.
During the 1940s, ‘50s, and ‘60s, racial and ethnic minorities across the US challenged their subordinated status before the law’s enforcers, demanding better protection from crime and from police abuse. They faced two obstacles to these objectives. First, a political one: how to convince political elites to support racial equality in law enforcement services? Second, a technical one: how to change a police department engaged in racial oppression into a force for racial equality? This paper focuses on the technical solution endorsed by experts in law enforcement at the time: police community relations programs (PCR). These often consisted of additional training for police and some form of community outreach aimed at civic groups and youth, especially in minoritized neighborhoods. I examine the effect of PCR programs on arrest rates for minor offenses and crime rates, to see how these programs shifted the burden of punishment within US cities.
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